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China’s 20th Party Congress Was as Expected 8/11/2022
China’s 20th Party Congress Was as Expected The Party Congress was expected to reaffirm, and perhaps further consolidate, Xi Jinping’s position as the most dominant Chinese leader since Mao Zedong, and to give him an extraordinary third and—physical and political health permitting—term as general secretary. In March of next year, Xi is on track for an unprecedented third term as state chairman (a post analogous to, and often translated into English as “president”)—a move that required a constitutional amendment in 2018 to suspend a two-term limit. With no prospect that he will give up the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission, Xi will continue to occupy the three key posts at the apex of China’s party, state, and military structures, as well as his leadership role of the many ad hoc groups that Xi has created to address major policy issues and crisis, earning him the sobriquet “chairman of everything.”To get more news about when is china's 20th party congress, you can visit shine news official website.
Amendments to the Party Charter underscored Xi’s ever-more-exalted position. Going beyond the amendments at the 19th Party Congress that put “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” on par with the previously unrivaled “Mao Zedong Thought,” the 2022 changes added a pair of Xi-era slogans—the “two establishes” and the “two safeguards”—that affirm Xi’s role as the “core” leader.
In these respects, the Chinese Communist Party’s 20th Party Congress could hardly have been more different from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union’s 20th Congress, where Khrushchev ’s 1956 secret speech marked the beginning of de-Stailinization and a dramatic—if, in the end, temporary—turn away from the extreme concentration of power in the Kremlin in the hands of a single dominant leader.
In another way, however, China’s 20th Party Congress did resemble its Soviet antecedent. In a moment captured in arresting video footage (not publicly shown within China), Xi’s predecessor as top leader, Hu Jintao, was ushered from the dais, evidently much to his surprise and against his will, and with Xi barely acknowledging the humiliating scene he surely had choreographed.
The confirmation that Xi is alone at the top entailed more than both literally and figuratively shunting off the stage the long-retired top member of the cohort of leaders senior to him. Two Standing Committee members—Li Keqiang (the current premier) and Wang Yang—who would have been age-eligible (at less than sixty-eight years old) to remain on the Politburo and its Standing Committee were dropped from both the Politburo and the Central Committee (the larger party body in whose name major policies are issued).
The junior generation of leaders fared little better. Xi’s third term, possibly to be followed by a fourth and more, meant that the so-called sixth generation of leaders would not assume the top posts soon, if ever. Xi did not signal a designated successor. The prior practice—albeit of such recent vintage and so few iterations that it could hardly be called institutionalized—had been for an age-eligible heir apparent to join the Politburo Standing Committee at the Party Congress that reappointed a general secretary to his second (and final) term. Xi has now eschewed this path twice (at both the 19th and 20th Party Congresses), while also flouting norms of the recent past that would have made Xi too old to serve beyond his second term.
A Passel of Protégés It was no surprise that those close to Xi would dominate the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee—the most elite political body in China. But their complete dominance is noteworthy. When Xi came to power, there had been a relatively long-standing pattern of some balance among the top leadership. One group was broadly characterized by careers in China’s developed coastal regions and ties to Jiang Zemin (Hu’s immediate predecessor as China’s top leader) and his cohort. The group identified by service in more inland areas and ties to Hu Jintao and his cohort, and often called the tuanpai (because of their association with the Communist Youth League). Although the labels fit imperfectly, the latter group is sometimes characterized as populist and the former as elitist, in part because it included a good number “princelings” (taizidang)—the children of top leaders from the revolutionary era and the early years of the People’s Republic of China.
Xi has quashed this quasi-partisan intra-party equilibrium. In addition to marginalizing Hu, Li, Wang, Hu Chunhua (a once-rising star dropped from the Politburo at the 20th Party Congress) and the tuanpai, Xi—the consummate princeling—also moved to undercut his own former cohort, partly in the name of opposing factionalism. Tellingly, Xi’s initial consolidation of power included purging his principal rival for the top posts, fellow princeling Bo Xilai, whose downfall came in a lurid case of murder and corruption.
The new top seven are all the general secretary’s men. Although the career paths of the Chinese Communist Party’s top elite are sufficiently complicated and varied that few-word descriptions are problematic, the new Politburo Standing Committee includes at least two (Li Qiang and Cai Qi) who served with Xi earlier in his career, and two (Wang Huning and Ding Xueliang) who have been Xi’s close aides during his tenure at the top. One (Li) made the cut—and became heir-apparent to the premiership—despite his role in the unpopular COVID lockdown of Shanghai, seemingly because of his demonstrated loyalty to Xi and his zeal (albeit belated and costly) in implementing Xi’s signature “dynamic zero COVID” approach to the outbreak in China’s largest city.
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